This oval-shaped bead with faceted sides is known as the Ivie okpagbaru or Ivie Ewuare (the ‘royal bead’ or ‘Ewuare bead’). The association of Ọba Ewuare with this bead is based on a story in which Ewuare took beads from the deity Olokun, sanctifying his royal position and, in turn, receiving the title ‘Lord of the Land’, in contrast to Olokun’s title ‘Lord of the Sea’ (Omomo of Enisen in Blackmun 1990, p. 65). The Ivie okpagbaru/Ivie Ewuare is a distinctive motif that can be used to identify representations of the Ọba.

Due to the association of beads with Olokun, it is unsurprising that this bead has come to symbolise wealth when used to decorate Emwin Arhe (royal treasures) (Blackmun 1984, p. 59). Paula Ben-Amos (1999, p. 64) associated the bead with a different narrative and the name ‘One Bead Does Not Go around the Neck’. Ben-Amos suggests that the bead is in fact the one that was fought over by Ọba Ẹsigie and his brother Aruanran when they struggled for the right to the throne in the early 16th century.

The Ẹrokhi (chameleon) carries several distinct and often potent meanings. The reptile is primarily associated with supernatural power, transformation, and long life, and is often depicted on objects associated with Osun, the deity of medicine. It is also considered one of the symbols of this deity.

The supernatural power and transformative associations with the Ẹrokhi relate to the way the animal is seen as a symbol of the bush, due to its ability to camouflage itself. This capacity for camouflage has led to parallels being drawn between the Ẹrokhi and the Edo army, suggesting their ability to appear and disappear, as well as to adapt strategically. The skin of the Ẹrokhi is also believed to be poisonous, and the animal is associated with long life, as well as with the belief that anyone who depends on Osun will not die in battle.

Osogan (Osun staffs) decorated with Ẹrokhi walking up the length of the staff were carried into battle by Osun specialists, who walked ahead of the army, conveying their spiritual power and potency against the enemy. The praise name for these staffs is ‘osun-nigiogio’ (medicine hot-hot), indicating the dangerous and potent beliefs surrounding these staffs, to which chameleon motifs contribute. Overall, the chameleon is a complex symbol that reinforces themes of mystical potency, endurance, and the transformative power wielded by the Ọba and those associated with Osun.

Ẹyẹn (snakes) are among the most common animals depicted by Edo artists on the Emwin Arre (royal treasures). The varied depictions of these reptiles suggest different snake species, including the Ikpin (python), Arhunmoto (puff adder), and Olose (red-black striped snake); therefore, here we use the generic term for snake: Ẹyẹn.

The identification of snake motifs and depictions as Ikpin, as well as the importance accorded to this species, is a subject of scholarly debate. Paula Ben-Amos argued that the Edo admired the “stature, colouration and crushing power” of the python, which was in turn associated with Olokun. She went on to identify the brass figures of snakes that formerly adorned the roof of the palace, as well as several other snakes, as pythons. Joseph Nevadomsky argued instead that the importance of the Ikpin had been overstated.

Some of these snake representations may in fact be the Arhunmwoto (puff adder). The first to suggest this was the German curator Felix von Luschan in his early research into the Benin royal treasures. Nevadomsky suggested that the large head, narrow neck, and rough scales are indicative of either the puff adder, a symbol of “material wealth, tribute, and gifts,” or the Gaboon viper.

Another kind of snake that may be depicted is the Olose (red-black striped snake). It has the praise name “king of the snakes” in Edo. Olose is also closely connected to the deity Olokun, both because of its attractiveness and because it inhabits wet environments such as forest streams, which in turn flow into rivers and the sea, where Olokun lives. Although the exact meanings of these different snakes vary, they share the characteristic of being spiritually powerful creatures.

A variety of different kinds of Ahianmwẹ (birds) were depicted by artists from the palace guilds on royal artefacts over the centuries. The precise identification and interpretation of these birds, and the meanings attributed to them, vary. Some of the most commonly depicted are the Akala (white-backed vulture), Oɛɣohɔ (vulturine fish eagle), and Esughusughu (owl).

The Akala is usually depicted on top of Osogan, potent staffs kept by priests for the worship of Osun. Its ewawa (beak) is associated with the azen (witches), and the Akala is associated with “death, abandonment, morbidity, and spoils”. The Oɛɣohɔ is known as the “king of the day birds,” and its feathers are often worn by chiefs in their headwear as symbols of respected old age and proper chieftaincy.

The Ubanu'hi (infinity symbol) is a kind of guilloche or interlaced strapwork motif that can be angular or rounded. It was used by Edo artists in the decoration of many Emwin Arhe (royal treasures) and is ubiquitous in Benin royal arts. Ubanu'hi is a shortened form of “uba no Ọba ya de agbon ke ehimwin yi”, which means “the rope with which the Ọba ties the heaven and earth together” (pers. comm. Chief John Igbineweka Inneh n’Igbesawman, 2022). Similarly, Paula Ben-Amos Girshick described this as “Ọba n’iri agbon”, or the “rope of the world” pattern.

According to Ọbabanmu Ineh, the use of this motif indicates that objects were carved by members of the Igbesanmwan. However, the motif is found on all types of Emwin Arhe (royal treasures), not only those made of ivory or wood. On the flanges of the Ama-Ẹrọnmwọn (relief plaques) alone, Kathryn Gunsch identified three different versions of the Ubanu'hi and, through her analysis of over 850 plaques, found that these different Ubanu'hi forms align with other characteristics, such as dimensions, the prevalence of ornamental motifs, and stylistic qualities. Together, these provide evidence, she argues, of different production groups among the plaque makers.

Kate Ezra went on to argue that the use of these motifs indicates that certain objects were used in a “royal context” and were associated with “royal patronage”.

Ubanu’hi can also be spelt Obanu'hi, indicating different intonations in the pronunciation of the words.

Representations of figures, often the Ọba, with an Ukhurhẹ (Ancestral Staff) in their right hand recur in a number of Emwin Arre (royal treasures), particularly those carved in wood as Agba (royal stools), cast in brass as part of Osogan (Osun staffs) and Ikẹgobọ (altars to the hand), and carved in ivory as Aken'ni Elao (carved tusks).

Ukhurhẹ are rattle staffs, usually made from wood, although brass examples are believed to have been owned by the Ọba. Ukhurhẹ were, and continue to be, commissioned when the paternal head of a family passes away as a way of commemorating them. Following a ceremony in which they are installed on the family’s ancestral altar, Ukhurhẹ are typically lined up against the back of the altar and are used to communicate with ancestors and the spirit world. When depicted on the Emwin Arhe, Ukhurhẹ are usually held in the right hand of the Ọba, while an Ughavan (celts) is carried in his left hand.

Ughavan (celts) are often seen as part of the decoration along the flanges of the Uhunmwu-Elao (commemorative heads), alongside trunk hand, leopard, or cow’s head motifs, or held in the left hand of the Ọba on the Ikẹgobọ (altar to the hand). This imagery has a particular meaning: when the Ọba holds the Ughavan in his left hand, it is said to be known instead as isauan (faeces of thunder) and is believed to “increase the potency of a curse or a blessing”.

The Ẹkpẹn (leopard) is an animal that appears most often among the motifs decorating the Emwin Arhe (royal treasures). The Ẹkpẹn symbolises the valour and strength of the Ọba, as well as his political authority. The Benin people eulogise the Ọba as the ‘ẹkpẹn n'owa’ (leopard of the home).

When a hunter kills a leopard, he must say “ẹkpẹn n'oha” (I killed a bush leopard), as it is taboo to say that a hunter killed a leopard without specifying that it is a bush leopard, as otherwise this would “be tantamount to symbolically killing the king” (Nevadomsky 1988, p. 81). For this reason, leopards of the bush are called Atalakpa to distinguish them from those that represent the Ọba.